Grand Admiral Karl Dönitz: Last President of a United Germany
HIS SUCCESSION, HIS GOVERNMENT, THE NUREMBERG PROCEEDINGS, THE AFTERMATH -- SOME PERSONAL OBSERVATIONS AND EXPERIENCESH. KEITH THOMPSON
On the afternoon of 30 April 1945, with Berlin engulfed in flames and besieged by the Russians, the Hero of the Second World War took his own life in his cement bunker beneath the chancellery complex. This courageous act, perhaps the ultimate act of courage, represented the termination of the heroic last stand of Western Civilization, a civilization and culture nurtured and developed in Europe for many prior centuries. The tragic death of this last natural leader of Europe represented a militarypolitical victory for the forces of Asiatic Communism and Russian Nationalism on the one hand, and Jewish Bolshevism (as exemplified by the United States, England, France and their multitude of last-minute vassals and hangers-on) on the other. The so-called "victors" of World War II were already at each other's throats, and would enter into a politico-military struggle, beginning in 1945, and continuing unabated even today. But at that moment in April of 1945, the so-called Allies, jubilant in their economicmilitary victory, were not much concerned with the future and made their first political error in failing to be magnanimous towards the defeated Axis powers. The fruitless and self-defeating spirit of Hebraic revenge would motivate their every action in the days and years ahead, a spirit so effectively demonstrated in the doctrine of "unconditional surrender", which cost the lives of hundreds of thousands of citizens and soldiers, Axis and Allied as well.
For a few brief weeks during late April and May of 1945, another leader of Europe came to power, an honorable man, respected even within the military councils of the Allies. That man was Grand Admiral Karl Dönitz, commander-in-chief of the German Navy, in overall command of German military forces in the north, and at that tense moment engaged in arranging sea and other transportation for the masses of refugees fleeing from the eastern areas. To his overwhelming astonishment, Dönitz had been designated by Hitler as his successor and head of state. In his last political testament executed at 4:00 a.m. on 29 April 1945, and witnessed by Dr. Joseph Goebbels, Reichsleiter Martin Bormann, and Generals Wilhelm Burgdorf and Hans Krebs, Adolf Hitler appointed Grand Admiral Dönitz as "President of the Reich and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces ... by virtue of my statement in the Reichstag on September 1st, 1939 ..." To capture the spirit of Hitler's political testament, I cite the following excerpts:
At Ploen on the evening of 30 April 1945, Dönitz received only the following message: "The Führer has appointed you, Herr Admiral, as his successor in place of Reichsmarschall Göring. Confirmation in writing follows. You are hereby authorized to take any measures which the situation demands. -- Bormann. "
In his Memoirs, Dönitz describes his reactions:
Dönitz moved forcefully. He met with Heinrich Himmler at Ploen and politely declined Himmler's offer to become the "second man" in the Dönitz government. Dönitz ordered Field Marshal Keitel and General Jodl to come to Ploen so that the military situation could be assessed.
On the morning of 1 May, Dönitz received the following radio message, classified "Secret and Personal," from Bormann at the chancellery: "Will now in force. Coming to you as quickly as possible. Pending my arrival you should in my opinion refrain from public statement." Dönitz was left to presume from the text that Hitler was dead but he knew none of the circumstances. Some public position had to be taken and immediately. He relates in his Memoirs that he felt that the announcement of Hitler's death should be couched in respectful terms: "... To denigrate him ... as, I felt, many around me would have liked me to do, would, in my opinion, have been a mean and cheap thing to do ... I believed that decency demanded that I should word my announcement in the manner in which it was, in fact, worded. Nor, I think, would I do otherwise today... " Consequently, on 1 May 1945 Dönitz made the following announcement on North German radio:
Dönitz also issued his Order of the Day to the Armed Forces on 1 May, covering the same points in slightly different language. And, to counter a growing lack of discipline in the armed forces, he issued the following declaration to the military services: "I expect discipline and obedience. Chaos and ruin can be prevented only by the swift and unreserved execution of my orders. Anyone who at this juncture fails in his duty and condemns German women and children to slavery and death is a traitor and a coward. The oath of allegiance which you took to the Führer now binds each and every one of you to me, whom he himself appointed as his successor." It worked. As Dönitz relates: "The next few days showed that the German Armed Forces had accepted my authority; and that was all that mattered."
On 1 May 1945, Dönitz received a third and final radio message from the Berlin chancellery, with the same "Personal and Secret" classification but signed this time by Goebbels and Bormann:
In a melodramatic series of events, Martin Bormann was killed in Berlin en route to Admiral Dönitz, other ranking officials failed to arrive, and no copies of the pertinent documents ever reached Dönitz. Apparently it never occurred to the officials in the beleaguered chancellery that the entire texts of the pertinent documents could have been radioed to Dönitz. At this point, he did not even know of the subsequent suicide of Goebbels on 1 May. Dönitz correctly felt that he must make his own govern mental appointments in order to function at all. He could not logically appoint officials whose whereabouts he did not know (he did not in fact know whether they were alive or dead), or whose prominence in the Hitler government might prejudice negotiations with the Allies. Of this fateful date, 1 May 1945, Dönitz summarized the situation in his Memoirs: "... while out at sea transports filled with wounded, with refugees and with troops hurried westward, the columns of refugees fleeing overland pressed on towards their salvation and the armies in Pomerania, in Brandenburg and in Silesia continued to retire in the direction of the Anglo-American demarcation line."
It was the plan of Admiral Dönitz to accomplish a partial surrender in the west. For this purpose, the officer commanding at Hamburg was ordered to dispatch an officer with flag of truce to the British on 3 May, to offer the surrender of Hamburg and to inform them that a general delegation under Admiral von Friedeburg was en route to confer with them. Meanwhile, because of British advances, Dönitz moved his headquarters and seat of government to Muerwik near Flensburg. There he conferred with representatives of the German forces still in being and advised them to take such action as would enable them to surrender to American rather than Russian forces. He had developed a healthy respect for the American Navy, and it for him. But the American ground forces were something else again, their officer corps consisting in large part of Jews, white trash, and blacks. Dönitz had not yet met political generals of the Eisenhower stamp.
There were many acts of heroism at this difficult time. I cite but one here. As Dönitz relates in his Memoirs, Dr. Karl Hermann Frank, Protector of Bohemia-Moravia, concerned with Czech worries over the political fate of their nation should it fall into Russian hands, sought the agreement of Dönitz to make an offer to surrender to the Americans. Dönitz thought it unlikely to succeed but worth trying, and he comments: "... That Frank, regardless of his own personal safety and with but the slenderest chance of success, should have been willing to return to a country which he knew to be on the brink of revolt in order to secure for it a more humane solution of its problems should be noted to his credit."
On 4 May, Dönitz gave to Admiral von Friedeburg the full authorization to accept various terms of surrender offered by Field Marshal Bernard L. Montgomery, and von Friedeburg was flown to British headquarters with the further instructions to then proceed to General Eisenhower at Rheims to offer a German surrender in the American sector. As Dönitz put it, "The first step towards a separate surrender to the West had been accomplished without our having been forced to abandon German soldiers and civilians to the mercy of the Russians."
Eisenhower proved to be contentious and difficult. On 6 May, Dönitz sent Col. Gen. Alfred Jodl to negotiate with the American martinet, who rejected any separate surrender and informed Jodl that the Americans would be ordered to fire upon any German troops approaching American lines with the intention of surrender, even if unarmed. This, of course, was a direct breach of the Geneva Convention but that did not concern Eisenhower, who took his political orders from the Washington regime. Eisenhower demanded unconditional surrender on 7 May, but Jodl was able to win the concession of 9 May as the date for the termination of hostilities, thus enabling Dönitz to continue moving troops and refugees out of the eastern areas. The history of the formal signing of the instrument of surrender at Rheims on 7 May 1945 is well known. Jodl and von Friedeburg signed for Germany on the first capitulation document. Dönitz authorized the German delegates -- Field Marshal Keitel, Admiral von Friedeburg, and General Stumpff -- to sign for the German Armed Forces. The ceremonies were repeated in Berlin-Karlhorst on 8 May at the demand of the Russians. As it turned out, in the course of the surrender negotiations the German representatives were treated courteously by the British and the Russians, but with hostility and child-like contempt by the Americans. This conduct was exemplified by Eisenhower himself, who later censured and otherwise hounded an American brigadier general, Robert J. Stack, for having treated Göring with courtesy on his arrest, and who rebuked General Patch, commander of the U.S. 7th Army, for treating German prisoners of war decently. See Leonard Mosley's book, The Reich Marshal, pp320-322.
The final order of the German Armed Forces, issued on 9 May 1945, stated in part:
As noted by Dönitz in his Memoirs: "I thought then, and I still think, that those words are both appropriate and just."
The surrender accomplished, and the cessation of hostilities being secured at even the most distant outposts, Dönitz turned his efforts to the processes of the government which he headed, a regime which had obtained de facto status from the Allies by their dealings with it. The legal complexities of the succession are dealt with in Regierung Dönitz, by W. Luedde-Neurath, a work published in 1950, but even that work must be read in the light a , f the repressive political conditions in the western zone of Ger many in 1950. The author held that Hitler's nomination of Dönitz as Head of State was unquestionably legal, and that its legality was in no way affected by the loss of German sovereignty occasioned by Allied occupation. Under German law, the resignation of a head of state is possible only when a successor is named at the same time. This would, of course, apply to a self-termination by a head of state (i.e., suicide). When this measure is not taken, the office devolves upon the president of the Reich Supreme Court (Article 51 of the Weimar Constitution). An extinction of the function of head of state is therefore legally excluded.
The Act (law) of 1 August 1934 combined the offices of president and chancellor in the person of Adolf Hitler, and the German people gave its electoral approval to this in the plebiscite of 18 August 1934. Subsequently, Hitler found general recognition as head of state both in his domestic and international dealings. Furthermore, the same law expressly gave to Hitler the right to name his successor. This he did -- without any opposition - in his Reichstag declaration of 1 September 1939, naming Göring and Hess in that order. Subsequent events and instruments eliminated Hess (following his flight to England) and Göring (by Hitler's interpretation of Göring's attempt to take over Hitler's leadership in late April of 1945). Therefore, Hitler's political testament of 29 April 1945 (naming Dönitz as president and Goebbels as chancellor) took precedence and was the governing authority for the Dönitz government. (See special note )
To his everlasting credit, Eamon De Valera, Prime Minister (later President) of Eire (Ireland), called personally on the German ambassador to Ireland to offer his condolences on the death of Hitler and his recognition of the new government headed by Dönitz. There is no doubt that, had time permitted, the exchange of diplomatic representatives with neutral nations could have been achieved. Dönitz headed what he felt was, and should be, a new German government in every sense of the term. He wrote: "... it was essential that we should create the requisite state departments within the framework of a central government. It was, however, also essential that we should gather together all our best experts in these various spheres, in order to be able to offer their cooperation to the occupying powers. Our primary task was to ensure for the German people the essentials for bare survival..."
The Dönitz government took form, then, to prevent famine; to restore communications, business and industry; to rebuild housing and obtain temporary quarters for the homeless; to try to hold the value of the currency and re-establish banking systems, and to aid the refugees and absorb the additional millions of Germans and non-Germans fleeing the Russian-occupied areas. The Dönitz Cabinet took office: Graf Lutz von Schwerin-Krosigk (Foreign Minister, Minister of Finance, and presiding officer of the Cabinet), Dr. Wilhelm Stuckart (Minister of the Interior and Minister of Culture), Albert Speer (Minister of Industry and Production), Dr. Herbert Backe (Minister of Food, Agriculture and Forests), Dr. Franz Seldte (Minister of Labor and Social Affairs), and Dr. Dorpmueller (Minister of Posts and Communications). All had held secondary posts in the Hitler government but all were essentially non-political men with bureaucratic experience and technical knowledge in their fields. The choice of Speer was an unfortunate one as the man was a self-seeking chameleon and opportunist, although able in his technical fields. Speer at once initiated an internal campaign to convince the Dönitz government to resign. As Dönitz put it: "Speer was emphatic in his opinion that we [the government] should resign. But he thought that, as far as he himself was concerned, the Americans would continue to cooperate with him." Schwerin-Krosigk took a sounder view-that only the Armed Forces had surrendered, the German state continuing to exist with Dönitz as its legal head. As Dönitz remarks: "... The enemy themselves had recognized the fact when they insisted on my conferring plenipotentiary powers on the Chiefs of the three services, who were to sign the instrument of surrender ... I and my provisional government could not voluntarily resign. If we did, the victors could say with justification: since the properly constituted Government ... had run away, we have no option but to set up independent German governments in the individual zones and to allow our military government to exercise authority over all. of them ... I should stay until I was removed by force. Had I not done so, then ... I should have supplied the political pretext for the division of Germany that exists today ... "
An Allied Control Commission under the American Major General Lowell W. Rooks and British Brigadier R.L.S. Foord arrived on the scene shortly after the capitulation, and they were later joined by Soviet Major General Nikolai Trusov. This commission conferred with the Dönitz government but gave little response to its proposals and less cooperation. Dönitz observed: "The attitude of the Allied representatives at these meetings was reserved, but correct. The courtesies of normal international usage were observed, but that I and the members of my government should have shown a like reserve and reticence was only natural." Meanwhile, some progress was made regardless of the non-cooperation of the Allied representatives, particularly in the areas of food procurement and communications. The Cabinet met regularly and worked hard. Interestingly, bureaucracy often lives- a life of its own, and some of the administrative offices of the Hitler government moved to the area and continued their work. An SS "think tank," engaged in producing reports on world political affairs, was still. in business as of August 1945, and some Nazi intelligence operations were taken over intact by intelligence services of the Allies, notably that of General Reinhardt Gehlen, who had specialized in gathering intelligence concerning the Russians.
Next, a campaign against the Dönitz government was orchestrated in the Allied nations, an ominous sign. As Dönitz observed:
The arrest of the Dönitz government is described in a cynical article by one Corporal Howard Katzander, staff correspondent, in Yank, "The Army Weekly," terming the Dönitz government "a grandiose bluff to persuade the Allied command to permit him [Dönitz] to attend to the interior reorganization of the nation's economy," coupled with the disarming of German forces under the very direction of the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (OKW), to "keep intact the nucleus of a new Wehrmacht and a new war-minded government." On 23 May 1945, Dönitz, Jodl, von Friedeburg and others were summoned aboard the steamship Patria, whereupon General Rooks, wasting no time on protocol or courtesy, communicated Eisenhower's decision that, "... in concert with the Soviet High Command ... today the acting German government and the German high command, with the several of its members, shall be taken into custody as prisoners of war. Thereby, the acting German government is dissolved ... Troops of the 21st Army Group are taking the several members, civilian and military, and certain records, into custody..." Asked by Rooks for any comment, Dönitz replied, "Any words would be superfluous." The members of the Dönitz government and the high command were gathered and marched off, hands behind their heads and at machine-gun point, to a prisoner of war cage. Admiral von Friedeburg chose suicide over Allied detention.
I have discussed at some length the brief tenure of the Dönitz government because of its historical significance. The opposition of the Soviet Union was to be expected. Had the western Allies, however, exhibited some foresight, the history of Europe might have foRowed a quite different course. A legitimate government cannot be "dissolved" by military order of an external enemy, nor by taking its members forcibly under arrest. Having come legally into power, and having been recognized by the very forces which were to order its "dissolution," the Dönitz government remains in history as the last de jure and de facto government of a United Germany. The establishment by the Allies of their own puppet regimes in West Germany (the so-called Federal Republic) and in Central Germany (the so-called German Democratic Republic) merely underscores the continuing zonal occupation of the German nation almost 40 years after the military conclusion of World War II. This is well pointed up by the maintenance of the prison at Spandau in West Berlin, containing one solitary nonagenarian prisoner (Rudolf Hess), and administered in rotation by the governments of the United States, Great Britain, France, and the USSR. Despite some opposition exhibited by the Western puppet regime to its masters, any claim to genuine independence by either the western or eastern puppet regime is ludicrous in view of the continuing military presence in both those countries of the forces of the former Allies.
Grand Admiral Dönitz then, on 23 May 1945, became another prisoner of war, and the staggering burden of responsibilities for the German nation was taken from his shoulders by jailkeepers. Treated correctly at first in the Allied detention center at Bad Mondorf, Luxemburg, Dönitz had time to reflect on his long career and the events which had brought him to the situation which then faced him.
Dönitz, not born into the class which then provided officers, joined the Imperial German Navy and served on the light cruiser Breslau in the Near East, 1914-1916. Thereafter he entered the submarine service, serving as senior lieutenant on U-39 and in command of U-68. After the sinking of his submarine off Malta, he was a British prisoner of war until 1919. He continued to serve in the navy of the Weimar Republic, such as it was, and continued to rise through the grades as a surface officer. Bound by the chains of the Versailles Treaty, Germany had no submarines again until 1935. Dönitz commanded a destroyer, a destroyer flotilla, served on the staff of the Baltic naval forces, and commanded the cruiser Emden in the South Atlantic (1934) and the Indian Ocean. In 1935, he was selected to build the new submarine service. He became senior officer of submarines, and was an expert on strategy, developing the tactics used by the U-Boats in World War II, notably the "wolf pack" system which devastated Allied shipping early in the war. He rose through the flag ranks of commodore, rear admiral, vice admiral, and, in 1942, became a full admiral. On 30 July 1943, Dönitz was named a grand admiral (German equivalent of fleet admiral, a five-star rank), and became commander-in-chief of the navy, replacing Grand Admiral Erich Raeder. This has been an extremely abbreviated summary of the naval service of Dönitz. Suffice it to say that he was, without a doubt, the most brilliant U-Boat tactician of all time. Submarines will never again play the major naval role they played in World War II. The American Admiral Thomas C. Hart (commander of the U.S. Asiatic Fleet at the outbreak of World War II, and later a U.S. Senator) wrote:
Karl Dönitz was never a political man, and he took but little interest in the wearisome struggles of German political parties during the Weimar era. But he was an anti-Communist, a conservative, a nationalist, and, above all, a patriot. The principles of National Socialism were bound to appeal to him. According to the Dönitz biography in Encyclopedia of The Third Reich, "Dönitz was one of the few convinced National Socialists among high officers in the Navy. He praised Hitler in speeches to his sailors: 'Heaven has sent us the leadership of the Führer!' On one occasion he told a cheering crowd in Berlin that Hitler foresaw everything and made no misjudgments ... Hitler, on his side, had the utmost confidence in Dönitz ..." Dönitz wrote that his relations with Hitler were always formal and courteous: "I myself never thought about receiving presents or money from Hitler ... he only called me 'Herr Grossadmiral,' and never by any other name. I welcomed it that way." In his Memoirs, Dönitz discusses Hitler's influence on other people, pro and con.
What was Admiral Dönitz like as a person? A gentleman of the old school, he was extremely reserved, a man of few words. He would reply to questions directly but briefly, and seldom expressed his personal feelings. He had a wry sense of humor, but was far from jocular. He had the ability to immediately see the crux of any problem and deal with it, without preliminaries. It was his natural tendency to find only good things to say about others, and in the absence of such, to say nothing. Dönitz was a family man who did not care for mixing in society, and he often expressed his fondness for dogs and children. His submariners, officers and enlisted men, were the apple of his eye, and he felt closely bound to them. He knew personally as many of them as possible, particularly his U-Boat commanders. Naval personnel uniformly respected him and referred to him as "Der Loewe" ("The Lion"). British Admiral of the Fleet Sir George E. Greasy wrote of him: "... As a submarine Admiral whom I knew to be held in the deepest admiration and respect by Officers and Men of the U-Boat Fleet, I held Admiral Dönitz in respect myself, and there is no doubt that he handled his U-Boat arm with masterly skill and efficiency. In return he was served with great loyalty."
Dönitz, with the members of his government and other highranking members of the Hitler regime, was held at Bad Mondorf until mid-August of 1945. Conditions there were far from luxurious, but acceptable. As noted by the German historian Werner Maser, in his book Nuremberg: A Nation On Trial, many of the ranking prisoners of war at Bad Mondorf were under the misapprehension that any trials for "war crimes" would be trivial and insignificant, and that defendants would surely be protected by the fact that they had carried out directives of legallyconstituted superiors in a chain of command. Only after their transfer to prison at the so-called Nuremberg "Palace of justice" did they learn that Chapter VIII of the governing Charter stated: "The fact that the defendant acted pursuant to order of his government or of a superior shall not free him from responsibility but may be considered in mitigation of punishment if the Tribunal determine that justice so requires." Needless to say, the tribunal never made any such determination. An all-encompassing indictment was formulated, charging, as criminals, not only virtually every official of any rank in the Hitler government, military and civil, but also every party and military organization of consequence, including the Cabinet, Leadership Corps, SA, SS, SD, and even the General Staff and High Command of the Armed Forces. With the serving of the individual indictments, the status of the prisoners of war became that of accused criminals and they were confined under severe conditions, without any provisions for bail, even though unconvicted, and without any consideration for rank.
Before touching on the Dönitz case at Nuremberg, some general evaluation of the proceedings is necessary. For this purpose, I quote from an analysis of the trials in general written by a distinguished American jurist, Hon. William L. Hart, Justice of the Supreme Court of Ohio (1939-1957) and lecturer on international law:
Here, justice Hart discusses in some detail the legal precedents, notably Dow v. Johnson, 100 U.S. 158,163, in which the U.S. Supreme Court held that an officer of the U.S. Army serving in an enemy country could not be held liable for injuries resulting from acts ordered by him in his military capacity. Also the famous McLeod Case (1840), in which Daniel Webster (then Secretary of State) held that an individual acting under the authority of his government could not be held answerable as an individual for acts performed in governmental capacity, it being "a principle of public law sanctioned by all civilized nations, and which the Government of the United States has no inclination to dispute." Justice Hart also deals at length with the attempts, after World War I, to try Kaiser Wilhelm II for alleged "war crimes," and the opposition thereto by U.S. Secretary of State Robert Lansing, and Dr. James Brown Scott, an eminent American authority on international law. Also the holding of Charles Cherry Hyde in his work on international law that no demands may be made for the surrender of individuals "to be punished criminally on account of acts which were not internationally illegal. Justice Hart continues:
There are many other valid reasons, not touched upon by justice Hart, why the "trials" in general were as illegal as they were improper. To enumerate only a few: day-to-day changing of the "rules of evidence," so as to effectively deny to the accused the right of cross-examination guaranteed to them in the Charter; the manufacturing of evidence by the prosecution through the use of forged and/or unverifiable documents; admission into evidence by the prosecution of testimony known by them to be perjured; hindering access of the defendants to their counsel through delays and pettifogging; physical and psychological maltreatment of the defendants, and demoralization through the systematic looting of their personal effects, extending even to tooth powder; denial of a permissible defense in citing similar acts of Allied nations, etc.
Revisionist historians have made some headway in arguments which may hopefully lead to a general repudiation of the entire Nuremberg process. But it is at best an upstream fight against an entrenched establishment, manifest most particularly in the occupation of academia by marauding leftist Jews and shabbosgoyim, and of the mainstream publishing industry operated headto-toe by the enemy. It is therefore particularly pleasing to see an establishment historian come to reason on the subject and successfully sneak it into print. The British journalist-historian, Leonard Mosely, no friend of Germany or National Socialism, has authored 21 books, largely concerning World War II. In his biography of Hermann Göring, he writes:
Some "liberal" elements in the U.S. continue to attempt to justify the Nuremberg process, imagining that they are thereby defending and asserting the so-called "rights of humanity." But the Nuremberg "trials," as well as the efforts to justify them, will someday be looked upon by historians and the more literate elements of the general population with the contempt which they so richly deserve. Nuremberg will come to be regarded as a monstrous error, similar in degree to the fateful intervention of the United States on the wrong side in two world wars. The World War I intervention was supposedly to "make the world safe for democracy" and to "end all wars." The first premise was undesirable, the second impossible. The equally evil intervention in World War II, a surrender to the agitation of the British, the Jews, and "internationalistic eggheads," in that order, began with "lend lease," "Bundles For Britain," and military-economic give-aways long before any formal declaration of war. It, too, was accomplished by fulsome slogans about defending the rights of humanity, saving oppressed mankind, and similar garbage. After all that saving and crusading, a new dawn of universal peace and brotherhood was supposed to follow. Take a look around you. The Nuremberg "trials" were primarily the result of neurotic hysteria, hatred, and hypocrisy. Yet there was a small, secondary, contributing element which purported to believe that "humanity" would somehow be nobly and idealistically served by the holding of such trials.
A study of recent U.S. government and Amnesty International reports on political killings should give those "humanists" some food for thought. Half a million people have been exterminated by the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, another half a million in Indonesia, and millions more in various African "states." In the name of religious idealism, executions multiply in Iran. And in the name of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam-the three-headed beast-the killing continues in that unholiest of lands, crazily called the "Holy" Land. Meanwhile, on the domestic U.S. legal front, liberals, "humanitarians," and so-called lovers of democracy are zealous in their endeavors to protect the "rights" of real criminals, such as murderers, rapists, and thieves. These same liberal elements continually agitate for more "war crimes trials," for more hounding and hunting of alleged Nazis in this country and throughout the world, many of them refugees from Communist tyranny in Eastern Europe. These same "anti-Fascist" liberals, anxious to pursue and punish "Nazis," fail to show the same zeal for domestic criminals, real criminals, the perpetrators of violent crimes. On the contrary, they are opposed to capital punishment and obsessed with the rights of criminals.
Why this discrepancy? Something in the Jewish psyche requires that their media pots be kept boiling with constantly renewed stories of more and more "Nazis" being hunted and brought to "justice." Jewish persecution mania requires constant feeding to keep it in bloom. An Eichmann trial, a Nuremberg lynching, or a Barbie proceeding every year would amply suit the professional, fund-raising Jews.
The Nuremberg "trials" and the numerous "war crimes", "de-Nazification", and similar proceedings which followed them, are ideologically as ludicrous and deserving of contempt as America's intervention in two world wars to "make the world safe for democracy" and to "save oppressed humanity." What is not ludicrous, however, is the massive human suffering caused by the pernicious meddling of the United States of America in the affairs of its betters.
What were the real origins of the Nuremberg proceedings? How did the U.S. fall into this quagmire of hypocrisy and lend its offices and personnel to a victors' tribunal falsely represented as some sort of noble experiment in international law? Some of the sinister background is well developed in the book The Road to Nuremberg by Professor Bradley F. Smith. Certainly no friend of Germany or of revisionism (which he attacks), Prof. Smith, knowingly or not, reveals the Jewish origins of the "trials" and shows that they were essentially an American production. Among the "cast of characters" in Smith's book are Henry Morgenthau Jr., Murray C. Bernays, Sidney Alderman, Bernard Bernstein, Felix Frankfurter, Sheldon Gluck, Hersch Lauterpacht, William Malkin, Sam I. Rosenman (adviser to F.D. Roosevelt), Herbert Wechsler, Frederick Bernays Weiner, and Harry Dexter White (Weiss, the Russian agent), as well as the American Jewish Conference, to name but a few. The struggle of Henry L. Stimson against the malicious influences of Henry Morgenthau, Jr., is interestingly recorded. of Stimson, Smith writes, "... Stimson was a social anti-Semite.... His diary entries include references to Morgenthau's 'race' and his 'Semitic' characteristics.... Stimson decried the fact that Morgenthau had taken the lead in advocating harsh peace terms. Specifically, he believed that this could rebound and provide ammunition for those who would attribute all stringent controls on Germany to a mere 'Jewish' desire for revenge.
In discussing the trials of Nazi organizations, Smith notes: "For the system to work as intended, the prosecution had to convince a court, which was trying to appear legally respectable, that it should overlook shaky evidence, as well as its scruples, and condemn millions of organization members on the basis of collective guilt..." As a clue to the Americanization of the entire Nuremberg process, Smith writes, "After carping at American planning- filling the hallways with snide remarks-even most British officials ultimately admitted that American energy and determination had beaten the odds and turned Nuremberg into a more successful enterprise than had been thought possible."
The influence of Morgenthau and his ilk in promoting the ill-conceived doctrines of unconditional surrender, harsh occupation terms, and trials of the defeated German leadership, in fact prolonged the war. Admiral Dönitz was well aware of this:
Dönitz was magnificently defended at Nuremberg by Flottenrichter Captain Otto Kranzbuehler, a naval judge advocate. In a chapter on Dönitz in his book on Nuremberg, Werner Maser furnishes a lengthy account of the Dönitz defense, recommended for those interested in the details. Despite a remarkable defense supported even by American Fleet Admiral Chester W. Nimitz, Dönitz was convicted and sentenced to ten years imprisonment, a fight sentence compared to others meted out, but not light for an innocent man who had to serve every day of it, and more. Of what precisely the Grand Admiral was convicted, we shall never know. The legal authority H.A. Smith, Professor of International Law in the University of London, held that "... The clumsiness and obscurity of this language [findings in the Dönitz case] perhaps indicate the embarrassment which the members of the Tribunal felt in dealing with the case of Dönitz, and it is not easy to ascertain from the rest of the judgment the precise facts upon which he was condemned." Hon. S.A. Rahman, Chief justice of Pakistan, wrote: "... apart from the question of the validity or desirability of the Nuremberg trials, the guilt of Dönitz ... could not be said to have been established beyond a reasonable doubt on the basis of the material before the Special Tribunal." Rear Admiral Dan V. Gallery, U.S. Navy, summed it up:
Here it should be noted that Admiral Gallery has employed the layman's definition of "aggressive,,, rather than that of the international lawyer-which is absolutely permissible because the Nuremberg Tribunal failed to offer any definition of "aggressive war" whatsoever. Dönitz himself covered the legirl point in an interview with William Buchanan in The Boston Sunday Globe, 8 December 1963:
Following his sentencing on 1 October 1946, Admiral Dönitz served his time, bravely and without complaint, at the old Spandau prison in West Berlin. Under any Western system, the conditions of imprisonment would have constituted "cruel and unusual punishment," and would have been ameliorated by courts. The German leadership was ill-treated, ill-fed, and ill-clothed, under monstrous conditions, with every manner of petty torture and indignity imposed upon the elderly prisoners. They knew little of the events of the outer world, had only a very limited and highly supervised contact with their families, and had but little contact with each other. Dönitz maintained his dignity through his inner strength, and he never wrote of his prison experiences in books or articles, unlike the little rodent, Albert Speer, who twisted facts and altered "reminiscences" to obtain fat contracts from the establishment publishers for his confessionals. Speer, anxious to "confess" to anything which the prosecutors might suggest, sought at Nuremberg to assume "moral responsibility" for anything which had transpired in Hitler Germany, even what the travelling salesman did to the farmer's daughter. He maligned those defendants who stood up to the court, including Dönitz. In his Spandau diaries (18 March 1948), Speer noted, however: "... Dönitz; abruptly and aggressively says to me that the Nuremberg verdict made a mockery of all justice.... I cannot deny that Dönitz; is partially right in his rejection of the Nuremberg verdicts", and on 10 December 1947, Speer recorded, "... For all his personal integrity and dependability on the human plane, Dönitz has in no way revised his view of Hitler. To this day, Hitler is still his commander in chief", In an entry on 3 February 1949, Speer complained: "Schirach, Raeder and Dönitz are distinctly cool toward me.... They disapprove of my consistent and basic rejection of the Third Reich." Of special interest is a Speer diary entry of 20 January 1953, in which he quotes the reaction of Dönitz to the election of Theodor Heuss as President of puppet West Germany: "... He [Heuss] was installed under pressure from the occupying powers. Until all political parties, including the National Socialists, are permitted to function and until they elect someone else, my legitimacy remains. Nothing can change that one iota. Even if I wanted it changed.... Even if I renounced the office I would remain chief of state, because I cannot renounce it until I have appointed a successor ... "
During 1952-1953, a remarkable and fascinating plan was developed in West Germany, with roots extending to Spain, Argentina, and even the United States, for the liberation of the Spandau prisoners by commando-type military action, and the setting up of the Dönitz; government elsewhere as a legitimate government-in-exile. Although the financing was available, and many dedicated men were involved, security was compromised in Germany and the matter became a field day for Allied journalism, resulting in a number of arrests. The full facts were never known and never will be, even though most of those involved are now deceased. just a few years ago, I had the pleasure of burning a file on the subject which had been eagerly sought by at least four intelligence agencies for many years.
Rather, more legal attempts were made to secure the release of Grand Admiral Dönitz. On 19 May 1955, Dr. Kranzbuehler requested the intervention of the West German regime with its Allied masters to secure the deletion from his sentence of 16 months spent in incarceration before and during trial. Under most Western systems of jurisprudence, this is a routine procedure. On 27 May the Allies denied the request. They were to make Dönitz serve every day of the Nuremberg sentence. The Allies regarded him as unrepentant and they feared political repercussions should Dönitz attempt to resume his function as Head of State, for which, by then, no small amount of support existed in West Germany among rightist groups, patriotic organizations, and the large associations of World War II veterans, with their growing economic and political clout.
On 1 October 1956, Dönitz was released, and the event was widely heralded in the world press. On the scene, there were altercations between the police and the press. Various newsmen were clubbed in an effort to keep them from the Grand Admiral. "Police told newsmen they were acting on Western orders. The Western Allies, in a first reaction, either disclaimed knowledge of the incidents or attempted to lay the blame elsewhere." The New York Herald Tribune, terming Dönitz as the "Least Repentant War Criminal," claimed that the Bonn regime "exercised pressure behind the scenes to discourage demonstrations on his behalf," and cited with alarm not only the political popularity of Dönitz; with "Right-wing groups," but claimed that Mrs. Karl Dönitz "is reported to have maintained contact in recent years with active neo-Nazi elements." The Grand Admiral himself commented sensibly: "You must remember I have been isolated and cut off from the world for eleven and a half years. Therefore I am not in any position to pass any judgment or have any opinions ... My only task is to be silent. I must feel my way back in the world."
Time magazine, on 24 September 1956, in an article headed "The Lion Is Out," repeated old smears of Dönitz, attributing to him remarks which he never made. On 22 October 1956, Time published my rebuttal. Terming their article "so much hogwash," I stated that "Dönitz, a capable professional naval officer, was 'convicted' by the illegal Nuremberg tribunal for exactly the same 'ruthless' acts committed by U.S. and British admirals. The only difference is that Germany lost the war."
There were many other voices. The Chicago Tribune, in its editorial of October 6, 1956, summed it up capably:
My own involvement with Admiral Dönitz was continuing and considerable. During his incarceration I maintained contact with Mrs. Inga Dönitz, a magnificent, patriotic woman whose two sons had been lost in World War II naval service. The nullification of the Nuremberg verdict in the Dönitz case-and all the others-and the refurbishing of the Grand Admiral's reputation in world opinion were among my objectives. Long before the release of Dönitz, an ad hoc committee had been formed in the United States under the direction of myself and Professor Henry Strutz, with the active assistance of a group of retired U.S. Navy admirals of high World War II rank, including T.C. Hart and Charles A. Lockwood, for the purpose of compiling testimonials for Admiral Dönitz from military and other world leaders. Despite the active hostility of the U.S. government, its intelligence and secret police agencies, Jewish pressure groups, the so-called American Legion, the Bonn puppet, and others, the project was a notable success. The compilation of endorsements of Dönitz enabled his lawyers to force the Bonn regime to pay him a retirement pension commensurate with his rank, whereas they had tried to pension him off as a lower-ranking officer, claiming that he owed his promotions to Hitler. Leather-bound volumes of the letters and documents were presented to Dönitz and used by him in various ways. Even in The Encyclopedia of the Third Reich, it is noted that "He [Dönitz] always kept with him a file of letters from Allied naval officers who had written to him expressing their sympathy and understanding."
The public relations campaign for Dönitz gradually took root. On 28 August 1958, in a New York Times article captioned "Dönitz Gaining in Public Prestige", it was noted that just 22 months after his release from Spandau, "Grand Admiral Karl Dönitz has emerged as a nostalgic public figure in West Germany ... the benign ghost of Germany's old spartan naval tradition. This role, modestly played, has restored Dönitz' prestige in German naval circles ... "
While it had never been so intended, part of the Dönitz testimonial collection was published as a book, Dönitz at Nuremberg: A Re-Appraisal, the first edition appearing in 1976 and the second, expanded edition appearing in 1983 under the imprint of the Institute For Historical Review. I would like to cite merely two contributions to the work which I consider particularly significant. Field Marshal Lord Henry Maitland Wilson of Libya, Supreme Allied Commander in the Mediterranean theatre, wrote: "During my period of Command in the Middle East and Mediterranean Theatres, there were no breaches of International Maritime Law by the Axis Powers reported to me.... the Nuremberg Trials were staged as a political stunt." And Tom C. Clark, justice of the U.S. Supreme Court (1949-1967) and U.S. AttorneyGeneral at the time of the Nuremberg proceedings, wrote of the book: "... The series of opinions expressed by executives, legislators, jurists, militarists, writers, diplomats and royalty run the gamut of concerned leaders of our time. These learned minds not only isolate the Nuremberg 'principle,' placing it in right perspective, but at the same time cite the able and devoted Admiral as a victim of the precept. I hail this anthology as required reading for all who are interested in equal justice under law for the defeated as well as the victorious."
Following his release from Spandau, Admiral Dönitz promptly went to work on his memoirs, the German edition of which (10 Jahre und 21 Tage) appeared in 1958, to be followed by an English and an American edition (see bibliography). Getting the memoirs of Dönitz into print in Germany in 1958 was a major problem. It would have been better to wait for some years, but of course the Grand Admiral did not know how long he would live. It was necessary to make undesired concessions. Thus the memoirs are largely concerned with the naval war and submarine strategy. There is no discussion of the Spandau years (which, in any case, Dönitz would not discuss), criticism of the Allies is limited, and any discussion of the Nuremberg proceedings is confined to specific issues, largely concerning the conduct of the naval war. There is some criticism of National Socialism, largely confined to the "leadership principle," with a bone thrown to "democracy," and some criticism of the camps, which Dönitz opposed in principle. He was of the opinion that the concentration camp concept had first been employed by the British against the Boers in South Africa, and was amused to learn from me that "concentration camps" were originated by the American patriarch, General George Washington, to handle the troublesome Quakers during the American Revolution. Because of their opposition to war, he rounded them up and herded them into camps where he left them to starve unless fed by other Quaker sympathizers. The concept flowered again in the sinister mind of Franklin D. Roosevelt, who herded Americans of Japanese ancestry into such camps in the World War II era. All nations have had their share of detention and labor camps, even the Nazis, but it was an American concept pure and simple.
The Dönitz Memoirs, in their various editions, were generally well received. In reviewing the English edition, H.R.G. Whates, in an article captioned "A Formidable Antagonist of Britain," in The Birmingham Post of 9 May 1959, wrote:
In 1962, Mrs. Dönitz died at age 69, and the Grand Admiral moved into a small bachelor's apartment in Aumuehle, a suburb of Hamburg where, surrounded by his naval prints and silver, he continued to write books and professional articles, receive old comrades, and correspond extensively with historians who sought his views. The navy of the Bonn puppet ignored him in the main, but Dönitz took pleasure in addressing groups of former servicemen, who always received him enthusiastically. By old navy tradition, commanding officers of foreign naval vessels visiting the port of Hamburg called on Dönitz as they would on the senior officer present, much to the consternation of Bonn. Dönitz also remained active in aiding the cause of so-called "war criminals" still in Allied custody. I remained in close contact with the Grand Admiral, assisting him wherever and whenever I could.
On 27 July 1980, I received a warm letter from Dönitz, signed with an aged, shaking hand, expressing the hope that we might meet again. This was not to be. On 24 December 1980, he died peacefully in his 89th year. The jackals went quickly to work. The Bonn regime denied him military honors and ordered no wearing of uniforms at his services, which were crowded with former servicemen of high and low rank, seeking to pay their last respects. The obituaries were varied, generally favorable in Germany (with notable exceptions), respectful in England, and nasty, semi-literate hack jobs in the United States. As one might expect, the wire services went right to the old World War II propaganda files and the Nuremberg garbage, with no attempt whatever to bring matters up to date. The New York Times was among the worst, which did not surprise me. I have always referred to that so-called newspaper as "the Zionist rag." H.L. Mencken, I believe, called it, "a pompously sterile sheet." At any rate, the story was over. Karl Dönitz passed into history.
With the death of the Grand Admiral, the controversy over his legitimacy as Head of State passed into limbo. During the late 1970's the matter had been revived in an unfortunate way. A right-wing radical in Germany, one Manfred Roeder, sought to proclaim himself "Regent of the Reich" and issued, through a collaborator in Buffalo, N.Y., a formal protocol bearing the forged signature of Admiral Dönitz, implying his agreement to this ludicrous proposition. On 22 September 1978, an editorial in the Deutsche National Zeitung, a right-wing newspaper in Germany, stated: "Errant spirits who pass themselves off as 'rightwingers' have recently tried to create the impression that they were acting on behalf of Grand Admiral Karl Dönitz when they claim for themselves the function of a 'Regency of the Reich.' The Grand Admiral has expressed himself as follows on the subject ... " There followed a lengthy statement dated at Aumuehle on 2 July 1975, in which Dönitz pointed out that, after the passage of then some 30 years, the serious possibility of his claiming the office of President of the Reich had to be ruled out. He continued:
There was disagreement among those who advised Dönitz as to the wisdom of his statement. I for one, would sooner have seen a successor nominated, but, as Dönitz argued, who would be suitable? (My suggestion was Generalmajor Otto Ernst Remer, the exemplary patriot who had put down the cowardly 20 July 1944 plot.) The German radical who backed Dönitz into this corner now languishes in a West German jail -- on other grounds to be sure, but the Bonn puppet has a long arm and no sense whatever of law or of individual rights. One thing seems certain: no future government of a United Germany can take office without a claim of continuity based on the Dönitz government, the last government of the Reich.
When Admiral Dönitz emerged from Spandau prison in 1956, he re-entered an alien world, the events of the prior ten years and more having in the main been withheld from him. He thought that the German people were the same people he knew in the 1930s and 1940s. But they were not. By 1960, the youth had been almost totally Americanized. The Coca-Cola culture had taken root, with its "hippies", its negroid music, its militant labor unions, its put-down of patriotism, its rejection of race, of family and of cultural values. These were the fruits of the American "re-education" policy in Germany. Like the American, the German no longer wished to work but merely to receive pay. Gone were quality and craftmanship, gone were German energy and creativity. The German woman had become "too good" to perform household tasks, for which Eastern Europeans, Asians and Africans were and are imported. Within a few decades, statisticians tell us, Germany will cease to be German, and will be dominated by alien races, run by leftist labor union combines. Admiral Dönitz lived to see these changes. He came to regret any favorable words written in support of "democracy", and, in the end, found solace in the strength of his own National Socialist spirit.
In conclusion, I would like to recall a line in Adolf Hitler's last political testament in which he invoked the faith of "all Germans, all National Socialists." Little can be expected from Germany or from Germans in the years ahead. But Hitler knew well that all National Socialists were not Germans. The doctrines will survive and the movement will take root, grow and flower among generations not yet born, in nations where it might least be expected. This would please a man like Grand Admiral Karl Dönitz. Criticizing Dönitz, a hostile West German obituary cited a recent statement by him that he had nothing to apologize for and that, if he had the opportunity to relive his life, he would have done everything the same way. Such men are rare in history. Upon the release of Dönitz in 1956, I joined with the writer and historian, George Sylvester Viereck, in a telegram to the Grand Admiral: